{"id":322522,"date":"2025-07-07T14:09:57","date_gmt":"2025-07-07T12:09:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nextcloud.com\/?p=322522"},"modified":"2025-07-07T15:43:47","modified_gmt":"2025-07-07T13:43:47","slug":"enforce-the-law-why-we-need-the-dma-to-be-applied-without-fear-or-delay","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nextcloud.com\/fr\/blog\/enforce-the-law-why-we-need-the-dma-to-be-applied-without-fear-or-delay\/","title":{"rendered":"Enforce the law: why we need the DMA to be applied without fear or delay"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

In the late 19th and early 20th century, the United States showed what happens when monopolies go unchecked. As the European Commission wavers in its commitment to anti-trust enforcement, this history has some important lessons for us.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lessons from the past<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
\"Congress<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Back then, industrial titans\u2014Standard Oil, U.S. Steel, and railroad barons\u2014used their vast market power to crush competitors, extract high prices, and stifle innovation. These so-called \u201crobber barons\u201d didn\u2019t just accumulate wealth; they accumulated power, controlling entire sectors and dictating the terms of economic life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The public backlash led the USA to pioneer one of the most important policy revolutions in capitalist economies: antitrust. The Sherman Act of 1890 and later the breakup of Standard Oil in 1911 marked the start of a century of increasing enforcement against monopolistic abuse. These actions weren’t ideological\u2014they were pragmatic. Breaking up monopolies unleashed competition, opened space for innovation, and improved economic outcomes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The rest of the world followed suit. Europe built antitrust into the foundations of the EU with the Treaty of Rome in 1957, and Germany\u2019s competition law, the Gesetz gegen Wettbewerbsbeschr\u00e4nkungen (GWB, Law against restrictions on competition), has been in place since 1958. Japan introduced its Antimonopoly Act in 1947, and it remains a core pillar of economic policy. Across democracies, a shared lesson took hold: unchecked monopolies undermine both markets and society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cost of failing enforcement<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

But over the last 40 years, this consensus has crumbled. Since the last big anti-trust action, the breakup of Bell \/ AT&T in 1983, and especially following the Clinton administration, antitrust enforcement globally dramatically weakened. A narrow focus on consumer prices replaced concern about market power. Mergers were waved through with the promise of \u00ab\u00a0efficiency.\u00a0\u00bb Monopolies were seen as smarter, faster, better\u2014not dangerous.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We now see the cost of that shift.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In sector after sector\u2014tech, agriculture, food, and retail\u2014a small number of players dominate the market. They extract high profits, reduce consumer choice, squeeze suppliers, and suppress innovation. In tech in particular, a handful of dominant platforms use their control to disadvantage competitors, collect surveillance data, and shape markets in ways that serve no one but themselves. Even in cases where their services are \u00ab\u00a0free,\u00a0\u00bb the hidden costs to democracy, privacy, and fair competition are enormous.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Enter the Digital Markets Act<\/h2>\n\n\n
\n
\"\"
Former EU Commissioner for Competition Margrethe Vestager<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

The European Union’s Digital Markets Act (DMA) was created to address this reality. It recognizes that the digital economy has produced \u201cgatekeepers\u201d with structural power\u2014companies that sit between businesses and users and dictate the terms of the market. These platforms don\u2019t just participate in the economy\u2014they shape it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The DMA isn\u2019t radical. It\u2019s a return to the common sense of antitrust. It doesn\u2019t break up companies or ban business models. It simply demands fairness: no self-preferencing, no locking in users, no using privileged data from one side of the market to crush competitors on the other. As former EU Commissioner Margrethe Vestager<\/a> put it: \u201cThis is a turning point. Self-regulation is over\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But enforcement is everything. And already, we see hesitation<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some argue for delay, or for compromise in the face of political pressure\u2014particularly from the United States, where tech giants are lobbying hard and leveraging trade and geopolitical concerns to water down European action.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is not just a mistake. It\u2019s a dangerous path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The cost of cowardice<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Failing to enforce the DMA\u2014delaying or diluting it\u2014will do long-term damage to Europe’s economy and political integrity. It will allow gatekeepers to entrench their dominance even further, locking Europe into dependency and depriving its own IT sector of room to grow.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This kind of weakness is not temporary. It\u2019s the beginning of a doom spiral. The weaker our digital sovereignty, the less able we are to push back in the future. The more we give up now, the harder it becomes to reclaim power later. If enforcing our laws is politically difficult today<\/em>, imagine how much harder it will be when the dominant players are even more entrenched a decade from now.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is not alarmism. It’s game theory. Bullies escalate when you give in. As we’ve seen in geopolitics and in corporate negotiations alike, compromising with power players\u2014especially those used to getting their way\u2014leads to worse outcomes, not better ones.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Europe has the public\u2019s support<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Crucially, European politicians have the public behind them. Recently, a YouGov poll showed<\/a> that a \u00ab\u00a0Large majority of French, German and Spanish public back tough EU stance on Big Tech, despite risk to Trump relations\u00a0\u00bb. Citizens want fairness. They want accountability. And they are tired of corporate misbehavior going unchecked.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We know that lobbyists do their dance behind the scenes. Big tech firms send their executives on media tours across Europe, like the recent media blitz by Microsoft’s vice chair and president sovereign-washing their technology. Unfortunately the European tech sector, and in particular the open source firms, despite building the foundational technology behind even all of Big Tech’s products, are barely active in the lobbying circuit. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A recent investigation by the German news outlet Golem shone light on the huge disparity in lobbying power<\/a> between Big Tech and open source. The result is that Europe is effectively financing the IT industry in the US to the tune of tens of billions, while those firms turn around and use a good chunk of that money to suppress European innovation, capturing regulators and politicians. Our citizens are aware of all of this – maybe not enough, but the scale of it is hard to hide.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Far from fearing retaliation, politicians should recognize the strength of standing up to tech monopolies. Weakness never won reelection. But leadership and courage often do.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yes, there may be short-term economic consequences. Perhaps a threatened \u00ab\u00a0pullout\u00a0\u00bb from one service or retaliation on unrelated trade issues. But these are temporary, often exaggerated threats. As we’ve seen in past trade disputes\u2014even with the U.S.\u2014big threats rarely result in meaningful follow-through. And China has shown clearly: standing firm is not only possible, but often more effective than bending the knee.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stand firm and act strategically<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

If we need to compromise in negotiations, let it be in short-term financial matters\u2014a tax break, a subsidy, a delay in implementation. But not in enforcement. Not in the structural backbone of the DMA. The real threat to European prosperity is not the anger of Silicon Valley. It\u2019s a future where our digital economy is permanently shaped by foreign monopolies who have no stake in our values, no obligation to our citizens, and no competition to fear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Antitrust is not a matter of ideology. It\u2019s about the survival of fair markets, innovation, and economic democracy. Europe\u2019s political leaders have every reason\u2014political, strategic, economic, and moral\u2014to hold the line.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Download the latest version of Nextcloud Hub here. Or if you are new – start your instant trial right away!<\/p>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\tTry Nextcloud Hub 10 now<\/a>Download Nextcloud Hub 10<\/a>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/section>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Europe\u2019s Digital Markets Act is a breakthrough, but only if enforced. Here\u2019s why delay empowers Big Tech and threatens digital sovereignty.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":322581,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"publish_to_discourse":"","publish_post_category":"22","wpdc_auto_publish_overridden":"1","wpdc_topic_tags":"","wpdc_pin_topic":"","wpdc_pin_until":"","discourse_post_id":"681332","discourse_permalink":"https:\/\/help.nextcloud.com\/t\/enforce-the-law-why-we-need-the-dma-to-be-applied-without-fear-or-delay\/228186","wpdc_publishing_response":"success","wpdc_publishing_error":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[7,351],"tags":[417,438,440],"class_list":["post-322522","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-news","category-opinion","tag-big-tech","tag-digital-markets-act","tag-margrethe-vestager"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nEnforce the law: why we need the DMA to be applied without fear or delay - Nextcloud<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Europe\u2019s Digital Markets Act is a breakthrough, but only if enforced. 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